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thievesandbeggars:

thievesandbeggars:

So many people have reblogged this with such intense yearning in their tags and it makes my heart happy every time.

(via the-black-dragons-den)

    • #sea
    • #ocean
    • #sailing
    • #tiktok videos
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ecrituria:

ecrituria:

“I must feed my body and arrange my house in order to receive the foreigner knocking at my door; if I possess a home, it is not for me alone.”

—Adriaan Peperzak, To the Other: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Emmanuel Levinas

I see this post is getting some notes and thought there might be some interest in an expanded explanation/interpretation of what Peperzak and Levinas mean here.

Levinas’s philosophy is primarily concerned ethics and otherness, and he views our encounter with the Other as the foundational experience of existence (ethics as “first philosophy”). It is my encounter with the Other that disrupts my autonomy, my desires, my worldview. Importantly, my relationship with the Other is asymmetric; the Other looks down on me from on high and their very presence imposes a demand on me and places limits on my being:

Another comes to the fore as other if and only if his or her “appearance” breaks, pierces, destroys the horizon of my egocentric monism, that is, when the other’s invasion of my world destroys the empire in which all phenomena are, from the outset, a priori, condemned to function as moments of my universe. The other’s face (i.e., any other’s facing me) or the other’s speech (i.e., any other’s speaking to me) interrupts and disturbs the order of my ego’s world; it makes a hole in it by disarraying my arrangements without ever permitting me to restore the previous order. For even if I kill the other or chase the other away in order to be safe from the intrusion, nothing will ever be the same as before (Peperzak 19).
The other imposes its exceptional and enigmatic otherness on me by way of a command and a prohibition: you are not allowed to kill me; you must accord me a place under the sun and everything that is necessary to live a truly human life! Your facing me or your speaking to me—whatever form your addressing me might take—forbids me to suppress, enslave, or damage you; on the contrary, it obligates me to dedicate myself to your well-being. It is not your will or want or wish that makes me yours truly, but your emerging, your being there, as such. Independently of your or my desires, your presence reveals to me that I am “for you,” responsible for your life (Peperzak 21).

With this understanding, let’s return to the full quote I cited originally (and which I actually slightly misquoted):

A human being is, however, more than a cluster of needs and more than a being (feeling, acting, etc.) at home. Desire points beyond the horizon of “economy.” That is why the legitimization of egocentric hedonism is not absolute but relative. If it does not submit itself to a higher law, it loses its innocence. The consciousness of an ego protecting itself against all non-“economical” realities is a bad conscience (mauvaise conscience), because the encounter with another reveals the supreme law: my selfhood must bow before the absoluteness revealed in another’s look or speech. My home, my food and beverage, my labor, all my possessions and delights receive their definitive meaning by being put into the serve of others who, by their unchosen “height,” make me responsible. All commandments together form one single order: the other makes me accountable for his life. I must feed my body and arrange my house in order to receive the foreigner who knocks at my door. If I possess a home, it is not for me alone. Expressions such as “After you” or “Make yourself at home” say quite well that the person who enters is received and respected as Other. “Here I am” does not, then, signify that I am the most important being of the world, but on the contrary, that I am at your disposal. The French “me voici” expresses it much better by putting the “I” in the oblique form. Indeed, the entering of another in “my” world produces suffering for me, if I have abandoned myself wholly to hedonism. The claims implied in the Other’s existence put limits on my right to satisfy myself. These limits are so exorbitant that they even threaten to reduce my claims to zero. Insofar as I am still imprisoned in the dream of my paradise-like innocence, the Other awakens, accuses, and judges me.

One of the reasons I appreciate Levinas’s thought is that, for all its abstraction and indebtedness to Heideggerian ontology and Husserlian phenomenology, the core of his philosophy (at least as Peperzak describes it) is crystallized in our everyday encounters with other people, something we can all relate and bring our own experiences to.

But it’s not without its shortcomings, particularly regarding Palestine and Zionism. Levinas was born in Lithuania to Jewish parents and lost members of his family during the Holocaust, which undoubtedly shaped his opinions on the creation of Israel. Generally, he said relatively little about Palestine or Arabs, and often refused to formulate a systematic political theory based on his ethics. So if we consider Palestine to be an obvious political “test” of Levinasian ethics, it comes up short.

If you’re interested in reading more on this topic, I’d point you to:

  • “Levinas and the Palestinians,” Jason Caro, Philosophy and Social Criticism (2009)
  • “The Faceless Palestinian: A History of an Error,” Oona Eisenstadt and Claire Elise Katz, Telos (2016)
    • #emmanuel levinas
    • #ethics
    • #palestine
    • #philosophy
    • #the other
    • #otherness
    • #quote
    • #quotations
    • #self
    • #ego
    • #identity
    • #adriaan peperzak
    • #selflessness
    • #kindness
    • #compassion
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nevver:

Suspect, Joshua Amirthasingh

Source: instagram.com

    • #joshua amirthasingh
    • #sea
    • #ocean
    • #fog
    • #photography
  • 1 week ago > nevver
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Q:

If Israel is a colonization state then by that logic so is America

Anonymous

quinnfebrey:

correct! 😊

    • #history
    • #free palestine
    • #gaza
    • #settler colonialism
    • #israel is a terrorist state
    • #ethnic cleansing
    • #genocide
    • #apartheid
    • #american imperialism
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tamarrud:

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Hey, Versobooks have made the above ebooks free to download

These resources challenge zionist ideology and offer a clear history of the occupation, Israel’s military industrial complex, and the BDS movement. (X)

Download here because some of you can use some reading tbh

(via probablyasocialecologist)

    • #free palestine
    • #gaza
    • #israel is a terrorist state
    • #settler colonialism
    • #books
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withbriefthanksgiving:

The director of the New York Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights of the UN (UN OHCHR), Craig Mokhiber, has resigned in a letter dated 28 October 2023

Top UN official in New York resigns and accuses body of supporting Israel
Craig Mokhiber, United Nations Human Rights office director in New York, has resigned from his position in protest of Israel’s counterattack
Washington Examiner

the resignation letter can be found embedded in this tweet by Rami Atari (@.Raminho) dated 31 October 2023.

The letters are here:

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Transcription:

United Nations | Nations Unies

HEADQUARTERS I SIEGE I NEW YORK, NY 10017

28 October 2023

Dear High Commissioner,

This will be my last official communication to you as Director of the New York Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.

I write at a moment of great anguish for the world, including for many of our colleagues. Once again, we are seeing a genocide unfolding before our eyes, and the Organization that we serve appears powerless to stop it. As someone who has investigated human rights in Palestine since the 1980s, lived in Gaza as a UN human rights advisor in the 1990s, and carried out several human rights missions to the country before and since, this is deeply personal to me.

I also worked in these halls through the genocides against the Tutsis, Bosnian Muslims, the Yazidi, and the Rohingya. In each case, when the dust settled on the horrors that had been perpetrated against defenseless civilian populations, it became painfully clear that we had failed in our duty to meet the imperatives of prevention of mass atrocites, of protection of the vulnerable, and of accountability for perpetrators. And so it has been with successive waves of murder and persecution against the Palestinians throughout the entire life of the UN.

High Commissioner, we are failing again.

As a human rights lawyer with more than three decades of experience in the field, I know well that the concept of genocide has often been subject to political abuse. But the current wholesale slaughter of the Palestinian people, rooted in an ethno-nationalist settler colonial ideology, in continuation of decades of their systematic persecution and purging, based entirely upon their status as Arabs, and coupled with explicit statements of intent by leaders in the Israeli government and military, leaves no room for doubt or debate. In Gaza, civilian homes, schools, churches, mosques, and medical institutions are wantonly attacked as thousands of civilians are massacred. In the West Bank, including occupied Jerusalem, homes are seized and reassigned based entirely on race, and violent settler pogroms are accompanied by Israeli military units. Across the land, Apartheid rules.

This is a text-book case of genocide. The European, ethno-nationalist, settler colonial project in Palestine has entered its final phase, toward the expedited destruction of the last remnants of indigenous Palestinian life in Palestine. What’s more, the governments of the United States, the United Kingdom, and much of Europe, are wholly complicit in the horrific assault. Not only are these governments refusing to meet their treaty obligations “to ensure respect” for the Geneva Conventions, but they are in fact actively arming the assault, providing economic and intelligence support, and giving political and diplomatic cover for Israel’s atrocities.

Volker Turk, High Commissioner for Human Rights Palais Wilson, Geneva

In concert with this, western corporate media, increasingly captured and state-adjacent, are in open breach of Article 20 of the ICCPR, continuously dehumanizing Palestinians to facilitate the genocide, and broadcasting propaganda for war and advocacy of national, racial, or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility, and violence. US-based social media companies are suppressing the voices of human rights defenders while amplifying pro-Israel propaganda. Israel lobby online-trolls and GONGOS are harassing and smearing human rights defenders, and western universities and employers are collaborating with them to punish those who dare to speak out against the atrocities. In the wake of this genocide, there must be an accounting for these actors as well, just as there was for radio Mules Collins in Rwanda.

In such circumstances, the demands on our organization for principled and effective action are greater than ever. But we phave not met the challenge. The protective enforcement power Security Council has again been blocked by US intransigence, the SG [UN Secretary General] is under assault for the mildest of protestations, and our human rights mechanisms are under sustained slanderous attack by an organized, online impunity network.

Decades of distraction by the illusory and largely disingenuous promises of Oslo have diverted the Organization from its core duty to defend international law, international human rights, and the Charter itself. The mantra of the “two-state solution” has become an open joke in the corridors of the UN, both for its utter impossibility in fact, and for its total failure to account for the inalienable human rights of the Palestinian people. The so-called “Quartet” has become nothing more than a fig leaf for inaction and for subservience to a brutal status quo. The (US-scripted) deference to “agreements between the parties themselves” (in place of international law) was always a transparent slight-of-hand, designed to reinforce the power of Israel over the rights of the occupied and dispossessed Palestinians.

High Commissioner, I came to this Organization first in the 1980s, because I found in it a principled, norm-based institution that was squarely on the side of human rights, including in cases where the powerful US, UK, and Europe were not on our side. While my own government, its subsidiarity institutions, and much of the US media were still supporting or justifying South African apartheid, Israeli oppression, and Central American death squads, the UN was standing up for the oppressed peoples of those lands. We had international law on our side. We had human rights on our side. We had principle on our side. Our authority was rooted in our integrity. But no more.

In recent decades, key parts of the UN have surrendered to the power of the US, and to fear of the Israel Lobby, to abandon these principles, and to retreat from international law itself. We have lost a lot in this abandonment, not least our own global credibility. But the Palestinian people have sustained the biggest losses as a result of our failures. It is a stunning historic irony that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted in the same year that the Nakba was perpetrated against the Palestinian people. As we commemorate the 75th Anniversary of the UDHR, we would do well to abandon the old cliché that the UDHR was born out of the atrocities that proceeded it, and to admit that it was born alongside one of the most atrocious genocides of the 20th Century, that of the destruction of Palestine. In some sense, the framers were promising human rights to everyone, except the Palestinian people. And let us remember as well, that the UN itself carries the original sin of helping to facilitate the dispossession of the Palestinian people by ratifying the European settler colonial project that seized Palestinian land and turned it over to the colonists. We have much for which to atone.

But the path to atonement is clear. We have much to learn from the principled stance taken in cities around the world in recent days, as masses of people stand up against the genocide, even at risk of beatings and arrest. Palestinians and their allies, human rights defenders of every stripe, Christian and Muslim organizations, and progressive Jewish voices saying “not in our name”, are all leading the way. All we have to do is to follow them.


Yesterday, just a few blocks from here, New York’s Grand Central Station was completely taken over by thousands of Jewish human rights defenders standing in solidarity with the Palestinian people and demanding an end to Israeli tyranny (many risking arrest, in the process). In doing so, they stripped away in an instant the Israeli hasbara propaganda point (and old antisemitic trope) that Israel somehow represents the Jewish people. It does not. And, as such, Israel is solely responsible for its crimes. On this point, it bears repeating, in spite of Israel lobby smears to the contrary, that criticism of Israel’s human rights violations is not antisemitic, any more than criticism of Saudi violations is Islamophobic, criticism of Myanmar violations is anti-Buddhist, or criticism of Indian violations is anti-Hindu. When they seek to silence us with smears, we must raise our voice, not lower it. I trust you will agree, High Commissioner, that this is what speaking truth to power is all about.

But I also find hope in those parts of the UN that have refused to compromise the Organization’s human rights principles in spite of enormous pressures to do so. Our independent special rapporteurs, commissions of enquiry, and treaty body experts, alongside most of our staff, have continued to stand up for the human rights of the Palestinian people, even as other parts of the UN (even at the highest levels) have shamefully bowed their heads to power. As the custodians of the human rights norms and standards, OHCHR. has a particular duty to defend those standards. Our job, I believe, is to make our voice heard, from the Secretary-General to the newest UN recruit, and horizontally across the wider UN system, incisting that the human rights of the Palestinian people are not up for debate, negotiation, or compromise anywhere under the blue flag.

What, then, would a UN-norm-based position look like? For what would we work if we were true to our rhetorical admonitions about human rights and equality for all, accountability for perpetrators, redress for victims, protection of the vulnerable, and empowerment for rights-holders, all under the rule of law? The answer, I believe, is simple—if we have the clarity to see beyond the propagandistic smokescreens that distort the vision of justice to which we are sworn, the courage to abandon fear and deference to powerful states, and the will to truly take up the banner of human rights and peace. To be sure, this is a long-term project and a steep climb. But we must begin now or surrender to unspeakable horror. I see ten essential points:

  1. Legitimate action: First, we in the UN must abandon the failed (and largely disingenuous) Oslo paradigm, its illusory two-state solution, its impotent and complicit Quartet, and its subjugation of international law to the dictates of presumed political expediency. Our positions must be unapologetically based on international human rights and international law.
  2. Clarity of Vision: We must stop the pretense that this is simply a conflict over land or religion between two warring parties and admit the reality of the situation in which a disproportionately powerful state is colonizing, persecuting, and dispossessing an indigenous population on the basis of their ethnicity.
  3. One State based on human rights: We must support the establishment of a single, democratic, secular state in all of historic Palestine, with equal rights for Christians, Muslims, and Jews, and, therefore, the dicmantling of the deeply racist, settler-colonial project and an end to apartheid across the land.
  4. Fighting Apartheid: We must redirect all UN efforts and resources to the struggle against apartheid, just as we did for South Africa in the 1970s, 80s, and early 90s.
  5. Return and Compensation: We must reaffirm and insist on the right to return and full compensation for all Palestinians and their families currently living in the occupied territories, in Lebanon, Jordan, Syria, and in the diaspora across the globe.
  6. Truth and Justice: We must call for a transitional justice process, making full use of decades of accumulated UN investigations, enquiries, and reports, to document the truth, and to ensure accountability for all perpetrators, redress for all victims, and remedies for documented injustices.
  7. Protection: We must press for the deployment of a well-resourced and strongly mandated UN protection force with a sustained mandate to protect civilians from the river to the sea.
  8. Disarmament: We must advocate for the removal and destruction of Israel’s massive stockpiles of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons, lest the conflict lead to the total destruction of the region and, possibly, beyond.
  9. Mediation: We must recognize that the US and other western powers are in fact not credible mediators, but rather actual parties to the conflict who are complicit with Israel in the violation of Palestinian rights, and we must engage them as such.
  10. Solidarity: We must open our doors (and the doors of the SG) wide to the legions of Palestinian, Israeli, Jewish, Muslim, and Christian human rights defenders who are standing in solidarity with the people of Palestine and their human rights and stop the unconstrained flow of Israel lobbyists to the offices of UN leaders, where they advocate for continued war, persecution, apartheid, and impunity, and smear our human rights defenders for their principled defense of Palestinian rights.

This will take years to achieve, and western powers will fight us every step of the way, so we must be steadfast. In the immediate term, we must work for an immediate ceasefire and an end to the longstanding siege on Gaza, stand up against the ethnic cleansing of Gaza, Jerusalem, and the West Bank (and elsewhere), document the genocidal assault in Gaza, help to bring massive humanitarian aid and reconstruction to the Palestinians, take care of our traumatized colleagues and their families, and fight like hell for a principled approach in the UN’s political offices.

The UN’s failure in Palestine thus far is not a reason for us to withdraw. Rather it should give us the courage to abandon the failed paradigm of the past, and fully embrace a more principled course. Let us, as OHCHR, boldly and proudly join the anti-apartheid movement that is growing all around the world, adding our logo to the banner of equality and human rights for the Palestinian people. The world is watching. We will all be accountable for where we stood at this crucial moment in history. Let us stand on the side of justice.

I thank you, High Commissioner, Volker, for hearing this final appeal from my desk. I will leave the Office in a few days for the last time, after more than three decades of service. But please do not hesitate to reach out if I can be of assistance in the future.

Sincerely,

Craig Mokhiber

End of transcription.

Emphasis (bolding) is my own. I have added links, where relevant, to explanations of concepts the Director refers to.

(via probablyasocialecologist)

    • #free palestine
    • #gaza
    • #genocide
    • #ethnic cleansing
    • #israel is a terrorist state
    • #apartheid
    • #united nations
    • #human rights
    • #zionism
    • #settler colonialism
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probablyasocialecologist:

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Source: earthliberationstudio.com

    • #free palestine
    • #artwork
  • 3 weeks ago > probablyasocialecologist
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mysharona1987:

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(via probablyasocialecologist)

    • #free palestine
    • #gaza
    • #ethnic cleansing
    • #genocide
    • #israel apartheid
    • #the onion
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internationalemeteorologie:

Tadanori Yokoo

World of dreams

Burnt-out Field

Spring lanterns

This world of suffering

Illustrations for Genka (Fantasy Flowers) by Setouchi Harumi aka Jakucho,  published in the Tokyo Shimbun newspaper ca.1974-75

    • #tadanori yokoo
    • #artwork
    • #surrealism
  • 3 weeks ago > internationalemeteorologie
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probablyasocialecologist:

I feel like I'm going mad, every politician is like "the killing of civilians is never acceptable and that's why we must stand with Israel as it drops apartment blocks on children."  — Gary Dunion (@garydunion) October 10, 2023ALT

(via feral-gaze)

Source: twitter.com

    • #free palestine
    • #gaza
    • #ethnic cleansing
    • #genocide
    • #zionism
    • #israel apartheid
  • 3 weeks ago > probablyasocialecologist
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nobrashfestivity:

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Tadanori Yokoo,  drawings for Genka (“Illusory Flowers”), by Harumi Setouchi, 1974    

more

scans by hiroyasu tangerine 2

    • #tadanori yokoo
    • #artwork
    • #hands
  • 3 weeks ago > nobrashfestivity
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vyorei:

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Beautiful display of solidarity ongoing right now from the US calling for a ceasefire in Gaza

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Source: @jvplive on Twitter

(via yirzmo)

    • #solidarity forever
    • #free palestine
    • #protests
    • #jewish voice for peace
    • #civil disobedience
    • #gaza
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betweenparallels:

terminal-burrowing-deactivated2:

t4t4t:

Anyone have that image of like 8 ways of settler colonial justifications ? One of them is terra nullius, can’t find it.

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This one?

Image provided is a list titled ‘Eight Stages of White Settler-Colonial Denial,’ which lists the following stages:

1. “They didn’t exist” (terra nullius)
Complete denial of Indigenous presence in a given area (country, province, etc). Includes denial of Indigeneity, e.g. “Indigenous Peoples are Settlers too”.

2. “If they did, the weren’t here” (terra nullius)
Denial that Indigenous People inhabit/travel/harvest/exist in a specific area. Often based on euro-centric definitions of evidence of occupation.

3. “If they were, they didn’t use the land” (doctrine of discovery)
Denial that Indigenous People have a connection with the Land. Often based on euro-centric worldviews of the land as something to be owned and extracted.

4. “If they did, they didn’t deserve it” (great chain of being)
Denial that Indigenous People have rights to their Lands. Often based on euro-centric value judgements of “primitive vs. civilized”, “nomadic vs. sedentary”.

5. “If they did, they lost it” (right of conquest)
Denial that Indigenous People retain their rights to their Lands. Often based on colonially imposed European systems of law / “might makes right” worldviews.

6. “If they didn’t, it doesn’t matter any more” (Westphalian sovereignty)
Denial that Indigenous Rights are still binding and take precedence. Often based on false claims of supremacy of colonial legal institutions and systems.

7. “If it does, we need to move on” (liberalism)
Denial that violations of Indigenous Rights require redress. Often based on on claims redress is “disruptive/unfair/reverse racism” & false calls for “equality”.

8. “If we can’t, we are you” (self-indigenization)
Denial of separateness of Indigenous Peoples and Rights. Often based on attempts to reduce Indigenous Rights to Human Rights, claim Indigeneity, etc.

(via probablyasocialecologist)

    • #settler colonialism
    • #imperialism
    • #zionism
    • #israel apartheid
    • #ethnic cleansing
    • #genocide
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probablyasocialecologist:

voidpumpkin:

determinate-negation:

captain-price-unofficially:

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Banners saying “Genocide Gaza” and “Victory looks like zero people in Gaza” hanging in Tel Aviv

israel was an interesting experiment proving that genocide victims also will happily do genocide but can we end the experiment now

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The inevitable question presents itself: three years after the Holocaust, what went through the minds of those Jews who watched these wretched people pass by?

Ilan Pappe, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine

    • #free palestine
    • #art spiegelman
    • #maus
    • #suffering
    • #genocide
    • #ethnic cleansing
    • #shoah
    • #holocaust
    • #israeli apartheid
    • #gaza strip
    • #zionism
  • 1 month ago > captain-price-unofficially
  • 19657
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qalamoun:

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‘Women’ (1968) by Palestinian revolutionary Ghassan Kanafani

    • #ghassan kanafani
    • #palestinian art
    • #female figure
    • #artwork
  • 1 month ago > qalamoun
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